A Study Of Vega Alta, Puerto Rico

The average family size in Vega Alta, PR is 3.58 residential members, with 54.1% owning their very own domiciles. The average home valuation is $114736. For people leasing, they pay an average of $549 per month. 24.5% of families have two incomes, and a median domestic income of $19442. Average individual income is $. % of inhabitants are living at or below the poverty line, and 21.9% are handicapped. 2.8% of inhabitants are veterans of this armed forces.

Vega Alta, PR is found in Vega Alta county, and has a residents of 9788, and exists within the more San Juan-Bayamón, PR metro region. The median age is 39.5, with 9% of this population under 10 years old, 11.9% are between 10-19 years old, 17.5% of citizens in their 20’s, 12.5% in their 30's, 14.1% in their 40’s, 14.5% in their 50’s, 9.4% in their 60’s, 7.7% in their 70’s, and 3.5% age 80 or older. % of citizens are male, % women. % of inhabitants are reported as married married, with % divorced and % never wedded. The percentage of people identified as widowed is %.

The Remarkable Tale Of Chaco Canyon National Monument In NM, USA

Lets visit Chaco Canyon National Monument (NM, USA) from Vega Alta, Puerto Rico. Based from the use of similar buildings by current Puebloan peoples, these rooms had been areas that are probably common for rites and gatherings, with a fireplace in the middle and room access supplied by a ladder extending through a smoke hole in the ceiling. Large kivas, or "great kivas," were able to accommodate hundreds of people and stood alone when not integrated into a housing that is large, frequently constituting a center location for surrounding villages made of (relatively) little buildings. To sustain large buildings that are multi-story held rooms with floor spaces and ceiling heights far greater than those of pre-existing houses, Chacoans erected gigantic walls employing a "core-and-veneer" method variant. An core that is inner of sandstone with mud mortar created the core to which slimmer facing stones were joined to produce a veneer. These walls were approximately one meter thick at the base, tapering as they ascended to conserve weight--an indication that builders planned the upper stories during the original building in other instances. While these mosaic-style veneers remain evident today, adding to these structures' remarkable beauty, Chacoans plastered plaster to many interior and exterior walls after construction was total to preserve the mud mortar from water harm. Starting with Chetro Ketl's building, Chaco Canyon, projects for this magnitude needed a huge number of three vital materials: sandstone, water, and lumber. Employing stone tools, Chacoans mined then molded and faced sandstone from canyon walls, choosing hard and dark-colored tabular stone at the most effective of cliffs during initial building, going as styles altered during later construction to softer and bigger tan-colored stone lower down cliffs. Liquid, essential to build mud mortar and plaster combined with sand, silt and clay, was marginal and accessible only during short and summer that is typically heavy.   The rainwater was collected in wells, dammed in areas created when you look at the Chaco clean (an intermittently flowing creek), and ponds, to which the runoff was diverted through a series ditches. The canyon was once home to timber sources that were essential for roof construction and levels that are higher-story. However, these resources disappeared around the Chacoan fluorescence due to drought or deforestation. Chacoans traveled 80 km on foot from the north and south to reach coniferous forests to the west and cut the trees down. They then dried them and gone back to the canyon to lug them home. It was a difficult task considering that each tree required multiple-day vacation and more than 200k trees were used through the construction of and renovations of three centuries worth of canyon houses and great kiva. Chaco Canyon's Preplanned Landscape. Although Chaco Canyon was home to a large amount of architecture, this area is only a part of the larger interconnected region that gave rise to the Chacoan civilisation. There were over 200 settlements outside the canyon with great mansions, great kivas, therefore the same brick style given that ones found within the canyon. These internet sites are most common in the San Juan Basin. However, the certain area they covered was larger than England's. Chacoans created a network of roads to link these settlements with one another. They levelled and excavated the ground, and quite often added clay curbs or masonry supports. Many of these roads began in large buildings located within the canyon and longer outwards in beautiful straight sections. The presence of cocoa indicates a migration of ideas in addition to material items from Mesoamerica to Chaco. Cacao was venerated because of the Maya civilisation, who used it to produce beverages that were frothed by pouring back and forth between jars before being consumed during elite rites. Cacao residue was discovered on potsherds in the canyon, most likely from tall jars that are cylindrical in surrounding sets and similar in shape to those used in Maya rites. Many of these expensive trade products, in addition to cacao, are thought to have served a ceremonial function. They were unearthed in large quantities in great houses' storerooms and burial rooms, among artifacts ritual that is having such as carved wooden staffs, flutes, and animal effigies. One room alone at Pueblo Bonito had around 50,000 pieces of turquoise, another 4,000 pieces of jet (a dark-colored sedimentary rock), and 14 macaw bones. Tree ring data collections show that great house construction halted around c. 1130 CE markings the start of a 50-year drought in the San Juan Basin. An extended drought would have stressed resources, precipitating the civilization's downfall and exodus from the canyon and numerous outlying sites, which would have ended by the middle of the 13th century CE with life at Chaco already precarious during periods of average rainfall. Evidence of the sealing of large household doors and the burning of great kivas implies a probable spiritual acceptance of this shift in circumstances - a prospect made more feasible by the role that is central plays in Puebloan origin legends.